The public discussion on journalism in Spain seems to have been reduced in the last year to a single approach: disinformation, hoaxes, the slime machine and the pseudo-media. This bubble is not accidental, but the result of a smear strategy promoted by politicians of all stripes, who find in the discrediting of the media a useful tool to weaken their control capacity. A press that is economically fragile and questioned by public opinion is more vulnerable to abuses of power, something that benefits those who prefer to operate without control. However, data from the Digital News Report Spain 2025 reveal a paradox: although polarization and distrust are growing, the vast majority of Spaniards (75%) recognize that journalism contributes to democracy, whether by informing, monitoring power or facilitating discussion. Moreover, traditional journalistic brands - from national dailies to television stations - continue to be core topic, especially for the most informed and critical citizens. Interestingly, it is politicians, and not the media, who appear as the main source of disinformation (57%), while the press consolidates as the preferred mechanism to verify hoaxes (34%).
In this context, news consumption in Spain today is more complex than ever: multi-screen, decentralized, fragmented and highly personalized. This is not necessarily negative, but a reflection of an adaptation to new technologies and digital habits. Social networks compete with television as the main sources, algorithms surpass brands as a entrance and formats such as video and podcasts are gaining ground. But among the lights, there are worrying shadows: interest in news is decreasing, trust is eroding and information evasion is growing (37%), especially among young people and ideological extremes. Newsper diem expenses are reduced, concentrating on a few brands, while local information - highly valued in terms of credibility and daily usefulness - is losing audience among the new generations. In this scenario, the challenge is not only to fight hoaxes, but to reconnect with a citizenry that, despite skepticism, still needs journalism to navigate in democracy.

General perception of the democratic role of the media: between acknowledgement and skepticism
Spanish public opinion maintains an evaluation positive evaluation of the civic contribution of journalism. Slightly more than half of the population (55%) consider that the media contribute in some way to democracy, although only 20% consider its weight to be decisive and 17% deny any usefulness. This distribution reflects a functional perception: the media is recognized as a service capacity -informing, overseeing, facilitating discussion, but its transforming impact on a political system is doubted.
The intensity of informative interest is decisive in explaining these opinions. Among those who follow current affairs attentively, recognition of the democratic function soars to 80% (and reaches 84% among those very interested in politics), while among those who are disinterested it drops to 45% and 60% respectively. Even more decisive is the trust factor: within the group that combines high trust and high interest, 90% attribute a relevant role to the media -one third rate it as very important and more than half as somewhat important-; at the opposite extreme, among those who neither trust nor are interested, only 8% recognize this usefulness and 27% openly deny it. Nevertheless, even in the most skeptical segment there is still a civic remnant: more than half (52%) accept that journalism contributes some value, a sign that the idea of public service still underpins the relationship between the press and the citizenry.
The subject of source also has an influence. Television and print media users (56%) are those who most appreciate the civic function of the media, partly because they associate the brand with professional standards and with a tradition of control of power. The social networks give rise to an ambivalent view: 23% highly value their contribution, but 15% reject it.
Disinformation and verification: the crucial role of themedia
Concern about misinformation remains a constant in Spanish society. Sixty-nine percent of those surveyed sample they were concerned about internet hoaxes, placing Spain in ninth place in the world in this respect. This concern has grown in recent years, possibly influenced by events such as the general elections of 2023, the European elections of 2024, the DANA that affected Valencia in October 2024 and the rapid development of artificial intelligence tools capable of generating increasingly realistic false content. Concern is higher among women (74% compared to 64% of men) and among older age groups, with a significant upturn in the 45-54 age group (70%) and among citizens ideologically positioned on the left -75%, compared to those on the right (65%) or center (71%)-.

Politicians and social networks, main disinformation threats
Citizens consider national politicians to be the main disinformation threat (57%), ten points more than in the other countries analyzed. This distrust is higher among adults (64% of those over 65) and among those who identify with the right (61% compared to 56% of the left). The perception of the political class as a propagator of hoaxes is not limited to the national territory: foreign governments and politicians are considered the second threat by respondents (45%). Outside the political sphere, influencers and internet personalities are also perceived as a threat by almost half of the respondents (45%), although this evaluation varies significantly according to age: only 30% of young people between 18 and 24 years old consider them a risk, compared to 57% of those over 65 years old.

Which channels are perceived as the main vehicles of disinformation? Mostly social networks: three out of four respondents (73%) identify a social network or video platform as a major threat, while instant messaging applications (33%), news sites (25%) and search engines (15%) are of less concern.
A particularly relevant finding is that the media have become the main resource for verifying dubious information. When Spaniards suspect that information may be false or misleading, 34% turn to the media to verify it, ahead of official sources (31%), search engines (24%), data verification websites (23%), social or video networks (10%) or artificial intelligence chatbots (6%). Among the most consulted media to verify information, national newspapers (especially El País and El Mundo) and television (RTVE and Antena 3) stand out.
The relevance of the media as the main defense mechanisms against misinformation is also reflected in the fact that those who use search engines or social networks to check tend to focus on results from news media: 36% of those who use search engines and 50% of those who use social networks pay attention mainly to content published by journalists or the media.
All these data show the significant relationship between trust in the media as a means of verification and the perception of its democratic relevance. Those who consider that the media help them understand democratic processes and participate in society also tend to trust them more to verify questionable information, which reflects how the legitimacy of journalism in a democracy is closely linked to its credibility.
Trust in the news: lights that resist wear and tear
At first glance, the Spanish landscape seems to be governed by distrust: only three out of ten citizens say they trust most of the time the news circulating in the country (31%), while four out of ten confess the opposite (40%).

However, this figure is qualified by selective consumption or loyalty. Thirty-eight percent of those surveyed say they trust their news, the specific information they personally enquiry Likewise, 52% of users recognize that personalization is useful to them and 47% consider it an effective way of managing information overload. This usefulness is, in fact, based on implicit trust: when the news comes from a medium of one's own choosing-or from an algorithm that has been given permission-critical reservation decreases and credit increases.

The third level of credibility in the news -that which corresponds to a sample of the main Spanish journalistic brands used by citizens-, provides even more light. The leadership in trust corresponds once again this year to regional or local newspapers, with 51% trust, which reminds us of the relevance of local journalism when citizens need tangible and close references. Among the major national brands selected for the study, Antena 3 is consolidated as the most credible (50%), followed by RTVE (48%), Onda Cero (46%) and Cadena SER (45%). Even media that have lost ground retain robust instructions : El País and COPE maintain a 43% trust rating despite steep declines, and historical newspapers such as El Mundo and ABC stand at 41%. The lesson is clear: erosion affects everyone, but brands with a clear publishing house identity and a consistent multimedia presence still inspire a solid core of credibility.

Trust and ideology: an echo chamber thermometer
The Spanish political spectrum draws very contrasting trust profiles. Left-wing audiences give the media editorially related to the left greater credibility than those surveyed on the right, and vice versa. On the margins, polarization is accentuated: the ideological extremes are not only the ones that register the greatest information evasion (42% on the extreme left and 39% on the extreme right) but also offer the least tolerance towards brands perceived as far from their convictions. The practical result is the consolidation of echo chambers that reward affinity and punish dissonance, reducing the spaces for public consensus.



Information evasion: a complex phenomenon
Information avoidance, understood as the voluntary limitation of exhibition to news, has become a widespread internship for 37% of Spaniards, who declare that they avoid news often or sometimes. Spain is thus slightly below the global average of 40%. Its incidence is higher among younger groups (the average age of those who frequently avoid the news is 45 years compared to 51 years for those who never do so) and in extreme and indifferent political positions (45% avoid the news). The most decisive factors in news avoidance are the declared interest in politics and current affairs. Only 10% of those interested in public affairs and 6% of those interested in news usually avoid information.
The main motivations for avoiding the news are mostly emotional. Mistrust of the media, perceived as biased or unreliable, is the most cited reason (35%), followed by fatigue with news overload (35%) and negative impact on mood (34%). Women tend to avoid news for emotional reasons (31%), while men do so for reasons of content or usefulness (28% quotation lack of impartiality and 11%, perceived irrelevance).

A largely connected audience
News consumption in Spain is based on a more developed digital structure than in the European average . 94% of respondents use smartphones for any purpose and 80% do so for news purposes (77% in the EU). In addition, it is characterized by an accelerated growth of other more incipient devices such as smart speakers and smart watches. In the first case, 20% of Spaniards use them for information purposes, almost twice as many as in Europe (12%). In the case of watches, they are used by 15% of Spanish respondents, compared to 12% in Europe. In general, the data show that information consumption in Spain is multiscreen: 29% use at least three devices to follow current affairs and almost 80% alternate platforms on a regular basis.
Television and social networks, main sources of information in a shrinking market
News consumption is not only multiscreen, but also fragmented in terms of the news sources most consulted by respondents. Television remains the main source, although its use has fallen 18 points since 2019 to 54% in 2025. Social networks are consolidated as the second most common source (46%), despite also dropping seven points from 2019. Print newspapers have seen their penetration halved over the same period (from 38% to 19%), and radio has fallen from 27% to 18%. Traditional newspaper websites and apps have also seen a steep decline these years, from 44% to 25%, a drop of 19 points. These figures reveal a scenario marked by the loss of weight of all news channels, in which the information disconnection grows and audiences are fragmented, especially according to the level of interest in the news: people who are very interested prefer traditional sources such as television and newspaper websites, while those who show little or no interest opt mostly for social networks.


Algorithm beats brand as a entrance to the news
The great diversity of information sources used by Spaniards runs parallel to an enormous decentralization and mediation in the ways of accessing news. Modalities based on algorithms compete with the relevance of the brand and the usefulness of search engines to become the main access to information for citizens. The data of 2025 are no exception to previous years and journalistic brands are losing prominence as a direct entrance , while algorithms, search engines and aggregators offer a more personalized experience, but also more fragmented and difficult to control for the brands themselves. Thus, algorithmic access continues to be the dominant mode of access to news, despite a decline compared to the previous year (59% vs. 66%), mainly due to the fall of social networks as a gateway to news, from 45% to 38% of respondents.
As a result, the brand, although still relevant for the users most interested and trusting in the news, has lost weight as a portal of entrance to the news. Thus, 69% of Spanish users no longer regularly access digital news through a specific journalistic brand, but start their information journey through lateral or indirect channels, i.e. through social networks, search engines, aggregators, email or mobile notifications. Direct access to news through a brand is the main way for 37% of respondents.

Informative use of aggregators and chatbots
Within this set of automated accesses, news aggregators already occupy a significant position: 26% of respondents have used them for information purposes. This figure groups together different types of aggregation, including Google Discover (25%) and other aggregators integrated into Android devices (23%). In contrast, the use of chatbots The use of artificial intelligence as a source information is still very marginal: only 3% of users say they have used them for information.

News alerts: between saturation and the search for relevance
Alerts or notifications are also a minority indirect access route among Spaniards. Whether out of disinterest or conscious choice, almost a third of users (28%) say they have never received them, and if we add those who deactivate them due to saturation (17%) or because they consider them of little use (12%), the result is a panorama in which this channel of information distribution does not seem to have penetrated deeply. Even among those who take an active interest in the news, there are those who choose to silence these ads if they consider that they interrupt too much or do not provide relevant content.
This rejection is not homogeneous and varies considerably according to the sociodemographic profile of the respondent. Women are more likely to have never received them (30% compared to 25% of men), while men are more likely to deactivate them due to overuse (18%). By age, young people under 24 tend not to use them and those over that age tend to turn them off due to saturation (up to 20%).

Content personalization: usefulness and mistrust
Associated with the decentralization of information access channels, media consumption is becoming increasingly personalized, although not always consciously for the Username Two out of three people (66%) receive news tailored to their interests, either because they have requested it directly (22%) or because algorithms do it for them, without their intervention (44%). Respondents' attitudes towards this personalization are ambivalent. Although many value its usefulness in terms of receiving content according to their interests (52%) and managing information overload (47%), there is widespread concern about the possible negative effects. Sixty-two percent fear that personalization may cause them to miss important news, and 54% believe that it may reinforce partial or biased views of the world.
Users consider that social networks (65%) and search engines (59%) personalize content more than news aggregators (41%) or news media apps (38%). Trust in personalization is higher when it comes from news media and lower in the case of social networks, which are perceived as the most aggressive environments in personalization by 65% of respondents.

Informative uses of social networks
As we have seen, social networks enjoy enormous relevance in the news market in Spain. They are the second most enquiry source information (46%) and the main gateway for more than a quarter of citizens (28%). Within social networks, no single platform clearly dominates the space, which shows a diverse consumption.
Specifically, Facebook, once the undisputed network , has ceded ground as a news channel from 53% in 2014 to 24% in 2025; in parallel, after rising to 36% in 2019, WhatsApp has stabilized at 23% as a news dissemination channel -symptomatic of the shift towards closed and conversational environments-. YouTube has consolidated its position as a transversal audiovisual platform (19% of news use) and balances the fragmentation typical of other networks, while TikTok embodies the generational breakthrough: one in four users aged 18-24 (25%) turn to it for information, surpassing Facebook (16%) and approaching Instagram (28%). X, although declining in the overall Issue , maintains its influence among those most interested in current affairs (21%).
This diversification of social platforms forces the media to simultaneously develop public logics( openfeeds ) and private logics (messaging groups), as well as to adapt formats - vertical video, stories, live - to different algorithmic rhythms.

Perception and governance of content moderation in social networks.
At the same time as its informative centrality grows, social demands are increasing as to how problematic content on social networks should be managed. A majority of Spaniards (51%) support the removal of false or harmful publications by the platforms, compared to 20% who defend non-intervention. The consensus becomes more nuanced when asked who should exercise this control: 38% prefer corporate self-regulation, 28% trust more in independent public bodies and just 13% would delegate the task to the user community itself.
The subject of the strategy to be followed in the moderation of social network content is conditioned by ideology. 61% of those in the political center support a balanced moderation, while the extremes - especially on the right - are wary of any filter, in the name of freedom of expression. The left, on the other hand, emphasizes curbing hate speech and misinformation, which explains their greater support for the removal of harmful content. Age also plays a role: 18-24 year-olds show greater tolerance for controversial messages and opt for self-regulation models, while those over 55 call for stricter institutional frameworks to safeguard the integrity of the public space.

In general, the public doubts the real effectiveness of the current rules: the impression persists that not enough is being done against harmful speech , a perception that fuels the demand for hybrid solutions where platforms, regulators and civil society share responsibilities.
Most used offline and online journalistic brands
In the fragmented, decentralized and personalized information landscape, the presence of journalistic brands continues to be B, although with important nuances. In general, the 2025 data reveal a reduction in the per diem expenses informationper diem expenses of Spaniards: less than half of the respondents (49%) consulted five or more journalistic brands a week, compared to 81% who did so in 2016: thirty points less in a decade. Logically and in parallel, the percentage of people using one or two brands a week has increased, from 6% in 2016 to 21% in 2025. The group of those who do not use any journalistic source has also grown significantly, from 2% to 9%.

This concentration of consumption in a few brands offers two interpretations. The positive one is that it is a sign of consumer loyalty, with consumers concentrating their attention on their favorite brands. On the negative side, a smaller per diem expenses of information per diem expenses poses serious challenges from the point of view of information pluralism. The fewer media a person enquiry , the more exposed he or she is to cognitive biases and dynamics of information isolation, which are reinforced precisely by the increasing personalization of content, which limits exhibition to diverse perspectives.
Specifically, the reduction of per diem expenses information per diem expenses in Spain in 2025 is reflected in a market dominated by a small issue of media outlets that concentrate most of the reach and loyalty of offline and online audiences. The growing fragmentation of consumption and the advance of new digital players does not prevent the large traditional titles -especially television and newspapers- from maintaining their leadership as the main information media for the majority of Spaniards.
In the offline environment, television continues to be the most used source . Antena 3 leads in news consumption with 38% of weekly audience and 28% of frequent consumption (three or more days per week). It is followed by RTVE (27% weekly), La Sexta (23%), Telecinco (21%) and Cuatro (18%). These data reflect a stable loyalty to generalist channels, which still manage to maintain large audiences even in the face of the advance of digital platforms. Radio shows lower levels of consumption, although with some stability. COPE and Cadena SER reach 10% weekly audience share, while Onda Cero is behind (6%). Although far from the television reach, these stations retain loyal audiences, especially among older users. In the print media, El País tops the list with 20% weekly audience share, followed by El Mundo and 20 Minutos (both with 17%) and ABC, La Vanguardia and La Razón (around 11%).

In the online or digital sphere, Antena 3 is also the most consulted brand (17% weekly usage and 13% loyalty), which reflects a successful adaptation strategy from the television environment. RTVE ranks second among online audiovisual media (10%), while Telecinco and La Sexta (5%) show a significant gap between their television reach and their digital projection. Digital native media consolidate their presence, although without significant differences among them: Okdiario leads the list (12%), followed by 20 Minutos (12%), elDiario.es (11%), El Confidencial and El Español (10%). Overall, digital natives have managed to position themselves as important players, especially among younger users, although their penetration is still lower than that of the large traditional groups.

The value of local information
The local and regional press maintains a relevant position in the Spanish news landscape. Almost half of the citizens (47%) declare to have a great interest in the news of their immediate environment, although this figure has fallen fifteen points since 2020 (62%), in line with the general trend of loss of interest in information. The generational analysis sample that while for the older generations the local press is still vital, for the younger ones it has become dispensable. Only 28% of young people between the ages of 18 and 24 admit to being interested in this information, compared to 55% of those over the age of 65. Economic and educational level also influences interest in local news. Fifty-five percent of people with high incomes say they are very interested in local news, compared to 39% of those with low incomes.
Sixty percent of respondents who trust the news say they are interested in local news, compared to 42% of those who are not interested. At the same time, 65% of those who are very interested in information are interested in local news, compared to 17% of those who are not interested.

Events, culture and services dominate the local news
Not all local information arouses the same interest. Spaniards seem to seek, above all, news that affects them directly or that helps them to better understand their daily environment. For this reason, events (crime, accidents, emergencies) top the list of the most consulted content (52%). News about local Cultural Activities Office (45%) and public service issues, such as transportation, garbage or municipal incidents (44%) also stand out. On the other hand, news about politics or local government do not attract as much attention: only a third of respondents enquiry them (33%). The same is true for classified ads (25%) or local sports (21%). These figures reflect the fact that local news is of interest when it is useful, immediate or experiential; less so when it refers to institutional or administrative matters.
In addition, the way of accessing this information varies with age. Older generations remain faithful to traditional formats: television, radio or print media. On the other hand, young people who get information about local issues almost always do so through digital channels, whether social networks, news platforms or instant messaging. This forces regional and local media to adapt to new distribution and consumption logics if they want to maintain their relevance.

Expanding formats: video's maturity, podcast's opportunity
Video news consumption in Spain has reached a threshold of normality that places it as the format with the highest net growth within digital per diem expenses . Seven out of ten Internet users (71%) say they have watched audiovisual news content in the last year, a record that puts the country clearly ahead of Denmark (54%) or the United Kingdom (49%), although still far from Greece (87%). This massive adoption is supported by a multiplatform offer where YouTube, Facebook and Instagram each concentrate around a quarter of the audience (≈ 23%), while websites and media apps get 21%.
The popularity of video reveals strong generational patterns. Among those under thirty-five, TikTok emerges as the top reference letter with 34% weekly usage, followed by Instagram and X 29%). At the other extreme, more than a third of those over sixty-five rely on Facebook or YouTube for information - both exceed 30% - and combine these sources with WhatsApp (24%) and traditional news sites (24%).
The level of interest also modulates the pathway: those who declare themselves very attentive to current affairs favor YouTube 34%), Facebook (32%) and media websites (31%); when interest declines, consumption shifts towards entertainment networks such as Instagram or TikTok, which retain around 20% even among less motivated users.
Despite overall penetration, the format is far from universal. Nearly three out of ten intensive digital news consumers admit to not having watched news videos in recent weeks, a test to the fact that mass adoption coexists with niches of resistance or saturation.

The information podcast: a latent opportunity
In contrast to the audiovisual dynamism, the news podcast in Spain is still an incipient format: only 4% of Internet users use it every week to follow the news, compared to an international average of 11%. This figure places the country at the bottom of Europe, but it contains an encouraging nuance: among those who do listen to it, the evaluation is high and the willingness to pay exceeds that of any other digital support.
The sound ecosystem is hybrid. Native podcasts - usually analytical or activist-oriented - coexist with traditional radio programs listened to on-demand, a circumstance that reveals the gradual spread of the concept among listeners who do not always distinguish between live linear and on-demand audio. The door to entrance is opening especially on generalist platforms: YouTube and Spotify share the first position, each mentioned by around 39% of users in the global report , well ahead of specialized applications such as iVoox or the media's own platforms.
AI and journalism: between discomfort and indifference
Artificial intelligence in journalism generates misgivings (48% feel uncomfortable with AI-generated news under journalistic supervision), indifference (36%) and low acceptance (16%). These data place Spain as one of the countries with the least outright rejection and one of the most cautious when it comes to embracing it. The average level of comfort with automated news in Spain is 2.49 out of 5 points, higher than the average for the other countries analyzed (2.39) and above other countries in the region, such as the United Kingdom (2.03), France (2.37) and Germany (2.36). However, these attitudes towards the use of AI in journalism are conditioned by sociodemographic variables such as gender, age, educational and economic level: male respondents, younger, with higher educational level, and income tend to show a more favorable attitude.

In addition to these variables, previous knowledge about this technology and general trust in the media also influence the perception of the use of automated news. In general, those respondents who are more familiar with AI express a more favorable view towards its use, which would show that part of the distrust comes not so much from the specific application, but from the lack of knowledge of the technology and its limits.
On the other hand, those who tend to trust the news and the work of journalists tend to have a more positive attitude towards the use of AI in journalism and would be more willing to use it as a complementary tool and not a substitute for journalistic work. It is no coincidence that the rejection of AI is more associated with concerns about quality, veracity and the loss of human judgment than with technological problems: 79% of those who distrust automated news supervised by a journalist sample a high Degree concern about hoaxes. Everything seems to indicate that there is a relationship between the distrust of AI and the fear that automated content favors the generation and dissemination of misinformation or errors.
In this sense, citizens seem to demand editorial guarantees, transparency in the use of these technologies and human supervision to maintain control over news values. Discomfort does not necessarily translate into absolute rejection, but it does translate into active caution: it is accepted that AI can help journalists, but it is feared that its application may replace professional judgment or degrade the quality of content.

The challenge of pay-per-news: loyalty vs. free of charge
The willingness of Spaniards to pay for digital information content does not sample great changes compared to last year. Only 10% of respondents reported having made a payment in the last year, showing the generalized reluctance of the public to pay for accessing digital information. Subscriptions continue to be the main form of digital payment (60%), with digital-only subscriptions standing out (38%) compared to those combined with paper (22%). Per-unit payment represents 17%, while free access linked to other services falls to 27%. Donations remain at around 13%.

This picture is exacerbated when examining possible incentives to increase the issue of payers. The majority of non-payers (73%) say they will never pay, regardless of whether they are offered co-payment, additional services or more flexible payment models. This is significantly lower than the average for all other countries (66%). Only 11% would be willing to consider a flat-rate model for joint access to multiple information sites. The same proportion (11%) might be interested in paying if the offer included additional services such as video games, recipes or e-books and 6% would pay for more flexible formats such as weekly access or individual articles.

Among payers, their decision is directly related to their interest in the information. The segment of users who combine high interest and high trust in news presents the highest percentage of digital payment (17%), followed by the very interested but distrustful group (14%). Possibly in this second case, payment is directed towards sources perceived as more reliable or of better quality. At the other extreme, payment for news is marginal (6%) among those who combine a leave trust and low interest in current affairs.
Participation in the news, more private and passive
Citizen participation in public discussion is not only losing intensity, but is slipping towards more private, passive and less deliberative forms. In 2025, 25% of respondents did not participate in any of the modes of participation (commenting, sharing, reading or talking about news), six points more than in 2024. The most frequent participation modality continues to be face-to-face staff conversation (36%), especially among older groups. This is followed by passive modes of participation such as reading news comments individually - either on networks (25%, down five points from 2024) or in digital newspapers (19%, down five points) - or sharing via instant messaging (23%, down seven points). The most visible online actions also show a clear decline: only 13% comment on news in networks or digital forums (down four points), 9% participate by voting in polls (down five points) and 16% rate a news item or brand I like it (down five points).
In general, participation is driven by two core topic: interest in current affairs and the informative use of social networks. Those who show a high interest in current affairs participate almost universally (87%) and share or comment much more frequently than the rest. Similarly, users who use platforms such as Facebook or X information have a participation rate of 91%, compared to 68% of those who do not use them.
