First high-level U.S.-China meeting of the Biden era, held in Alaska on March 18, 2021 [State Dept].

 

essay / Ramón Barba

President Joe Biden is cautiously building his Indo-Pacific policy, seeking to build an alliance with India on which to build an order to counter the rise of China. Following his entrance in the White House, Biden has kept the focus on this region, albeit with a different approach than the Trump Administration. While it is true that the main goal is still to contain China and defend free trade, Washington is opting for a multilateral approach that gives greater prominence to QUAD[1] and takes special care of the relationship with India. As the standard-bearer of the free world and democracy, the Biden Administration seeks to renew US leadership in the world and particularly in this crucial region. However, although the relationship with India is in a good moment, especially considering the signature of the agreement scholarship[2] reached at the end of the Trump Administration, the interaction between the two countries is far from consolidating an alliance.

The new US presidency is faced with a very complicated puzzle to solve in the Indo-Pacific, the main players being China and India. In general, we find that, of the three powers, only Beijing has successfully managed the post-pandemic status [3], while Delhi and Washington continue to face both a health and economic crisis. All this may affect the relationship between India and the United States, especially in terms of trade[4], however, and despite the fact that Biden has not yet demonstrated what his strategy in the region will be, it seems that the relationship between the two powers is set to grow[5]. However, although the United States wants to pursue a policy of multilateral alliances and deepen its relationship with India, the Biden Administration will have to take into account several difficulties before being able to speak of an alliance as such.

Biden started to act in this direction from the very beginning. First there was in February the meeting of QUAD[6], which some consider a mini NATO[7] for Asia, where issues concerning vaccine distribution in Asia (aiming to distribute one billion doses by 2022), freedom of navigation in the region's seas, denuclearization of North Korea and democracy in Myanmar were discussed. In addition, the UK seems to be showing increased interest in the region and in this group dialogue. On the other hand, in mid-March there was a meeting in Alaska[8] between the Chinese and US diplomacies (headed, respectively, by Yang Jiechi, director of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission, and Antony Blinken, Secretary of State), in which both countries harshly reproached each other's policies. Washington remains firm in its interests, although open to certain partnership with Beijing, while China insists on rejecting any interference in what it considers its internal affairs. Finally, it is worth mentioning that Biden seems to be willing to organize a summit of democracies[9] in his first year in office.

Following contacts that also took place in Alaska between the Chinese and US defense chiefs, Austin Lloyd[10], head of the Pentagon, visited India to stress the importance of Indo-US cooperation. In addition, early April saw the participation of France in the La Pérouse[11] naval maneuvers in the Bay of Bengal, giving rise to the possibility of a QUAD-plus in which, in addition to the four original powers, other countries would also take part.

The Indo-Pacific, let us remember, is the present and the future of international relations due to its economic importance (its main players, India, China and the USA represent 45% of the world GDP), demographic (hosting 65% of the population of the entire globe) and, as we will see throughout this article, geopolitical[12].

U.S.-China-India relations

The Biden Administration seems to be continuing the line followed by Trump, since the objectives have not changed. What has changed is the approach to the object of the issue, which in this case is none other than the containment of China and freedom of navigation in the region, albeit on the basis of a strong commitment to multilateralism. As George Washington's new successor said at his inauguration[13], the United States wants to resume its leadership, but in a different way from that of the previous Administration; that is, through a strong policy of alliances, moral leadership and a strong defense of values such as dignity, human rights and the rule of law.

The new presidency sees China as a rival to be reckoned with[14], as does the Trump Administration, but it does not see this as a zero-sum game, since, while openly declaring itself to be against Xi's actions, it opens the door to dialogue[15] on issues such as climate change or healthcare. In general, in line with what has been seen in New tensions in Asia Pacific[16], the United States is committed to multilateralism that seeks to reduce tension. It should be remembered that the United States advocates the defense of free navigation and the rule of law, as well as democracy in a region in which its influence is being eroded by the growing weight of China.

A good understanding of the state of US-China-India relations goes back to 2005[17], when everything seemed to be going well. As far as the Sino-Indian relationship was concerned, the two nations had resolved their disputes over the 1998 nuclear tests; moreover, their presence in regional forums was growing and it seemed that the issue of cross-border disputes was beginning to be settled. For its part, the United States enjoyed good trade relations with both countries. However, the changing patterns in the world Economics , driven by the rise of China, the 2008 financial crisis in the United States and India's inability to maintain its growth rate upset this balance. Donald Trump's tightening attitude contributed to this. However, some argue that the breakdown of the post-Cold War order in the Asia Pacific began with the Obama Administration's "pivot to Asia"[18]. To this must be added the minor frictions China has had with both nations.

Briefly, it is worth mentioning that there are border problems between India and China[19] that have been flaring up again since 2013. In turn, India is opposed to Chinese hegemony; it does not want to be subjugated by Beijing and is clearly committed to multilateralism. Finally, there are problems regarding maritime domain because the Strait of Malacca is at the limit of its capacity. In addition, Delhi claims the Adaman and Nicobar Islands on the Malacca access route as its own. Moreover, as India is now far below China's military and economic power[20] - the balance between the two powers in 1980 has been broken - it is trying to hinder Beijing in order to contain it.

The United States has ideological subject frictions with China, due to the authoritarian nature of Xi Jinping's regime[21], and commercial frictions, in a dispute[22] that Beijing intends to take advantage of to reduce US influence in the region. In the midst of this conflict is India, which supports the United States because, although it does not seem to want to be completely against China[23], it rejects a Chinese regional hegemony[24].

According to the latest report of the CEBR[25], China will overtake the United States as a world power in 2028, earlier than expected in previous projections, partly thanks to the way it has managed the coronavirus emergency: it was the only major country to avoid a crisis after the first wave. On the other hand, the United States has lost the battle against the pandemic; economic growth between 2022-2024 is expected to be 1.9% of GDP and to slow to 1.6% in the following years[26], while China, according to report , will be growing at 5.7% between 2021-2025[27].

For China, the pandemic has been a way of signaling its place in the world[28], a way of warning the United States that it is ready to take over as leader of the international community. To this can be added China's belligerent attitude in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as its hegemonic growth in the area and its trade projects with Africa and Europe. All of this has led to imbalances in the region that involve Washington's QUAD moves. Recall that, despite its waning role as a power, the United States is interested in freedom of navigation for both commercial and military reasons[29].

Thus, the Chinese economic boom has led to a worsening of the relationship between Washington and Beijing[30]. Moreover, although Biden is committed to cooperation on the pandemic and climate change, there is talk from some quarters of American politics of inevitable competition between the two countries[31].

The Degree of the US-India alliance

In line with the above, we can see that we are in a delicate situation after the change in the White House. January and February have been months of small movements on the part of the United States and India, which have not left China indifferent. Although the Sino-US relationship has benefited both sides since its inception (1979)[32], with trade between the two countries growing by 252% since then, the reality is that trust levels are now at rock bottom, having suspended more than 100 dialogue mechanisms between them. Therefore, although a conflict is not foreseen, an increase in tension is predicted since, far from being able to cooperate in broad fields, only slight and limited cooperation seems feasible at the moment. At the same time, let us recall that China is very much affected by the Malacca Dilemma[33], and is therefore seeking other access to the Indian Ocean, giving rise to territorial disputes with India, with whom it already has the territorial problem of Ladakh[34]. In the midst of this Thucydides Trap[35], in which China seems to threaten to overtake the United States, Washington has been moving closer to New Delhi.

Consequently, both countries have been developing a strategic partnership [36], based essentially on security and defense, but which the United States is seeking to extend to other areas. It is true that Delhi's problems are in the Indian Ocean and Washington's in the Pacific; however, both have China[37] as a common denominator. Their relationship, moreover, is strongly marked by the already mentioned "tripartite crisis"[38] (health, economic and geopolitical).

Despite the intense cooperation between Washington and New Delhi, there are two different points of view regarding thispartnership. While the United States claims that India is a very important ally, with which it shares the same political system and an intense commercial relationship[39], India prefers a less strict alliance. Traditionally, Delhi has conveyed a policy of non-alignment[40] in international matters. In fact, although India does not want Chinese supremacy in the Indo-Pacific, neither does it wish to align itself directly against Beijing, with whom it shares more than 3,000 km of border. Nevertheless, Delhi sees a great need for cooperation with Washington at subject on security and defense. In fact, some say that today India needs the US more than ever.

Although last February, Washington began to review the US Global Positioning Strategy, everything suggests that the Biden Administration will continue Trump's line regarding the partnership with India as a way of containing China. However, although Washington speaks of India as its ally, on the part of Delhi there is certain reticence, thus speaking of an alignment[41] rather than an alliance. Although the reality we are living in is far from that of the Cold War[42], this new containment[43] in which Delhi is sought as a base, support and standard, is materialized in the following:

i) Intense cooperation in subject Security and Defense.

Here there are different forums and agreements. Firstly, the aforementioned QUAD[44]. This new multilateral cooperation alliance that began to take shape in 2006[45] agreed at its March meeting on the development of its vaccine diplomacy, with India at the center, in order to counteract the successful international campaign led by Beijing in this field. In fact, there was a commitment to use 600 million to deliver 1 billion vaccines[46] by 2022. The idea is that Japan and the USA will finance the operation[47], while Australia will be in charge of logistics. However, India is betting on greater multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific, giving entrance to countries such as England or France[48], which already participated in the last Raisina Dialogues together with QUAD. Other issues such as the denuclearization of Korea, the restoration of democracy in Myanmar and climate change[49] were also discussed at meeting .

India seeks to contain China, but without provoking a direct confrontation with China[50]. In fact, Beijing has given the impression that if things go further, it is not only India that knows how to play Realpolitik. Let us recall that New Delhi will chair this year's meeting with the BRICS. In addition, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization will host joint military exercises between China and Pakistan, a country with a complex relationship with India.

On the other hand, during his March trip to India, the Pentagon chief[51] discussed with his counterpart Rajnath Singh increased military cooperation, as well as issues related to logistics, exchange of information, possible opportunities for mutual attendance and the defense of free navigation. Lloyd said he did not frown upon Australia and Korea participating as permanent members in the Malabar exercises. Since 2008 trade in military subject between Delhi and Washington totals $21 billion[52]. In addition, $3,000 has recently been spent on drones and other aerial equipment for reconnaissance and surveillance missions.

A week later this meeting, two Indian and one US ship conducted a maritime exercise of subject PASSEX[53] as a way to consolidate the synergies and interoperability achieved in last November's Malabar exercise.

accredited specialization In this context, a special mention should be made to the 2+2 dialogue platform and the aforementioned scholarship (agreement Basic exchange and Cooperation for cooperation in geospatial subject ). The first is a subject of meeting in which the Foreign and Defense Ministers of both countries meet every two years to discuss issues of interest to them. The most recent meeting took place in October 2020[54]. Not only was the scholarship agreed upon, but the United States reaffirmed its support for India regarding its territorial issues with China. Other memoranda of understanding were also signed on nuclear energy and climate issues.

The scholarship, signed in October 2020 during the last months of the Trump Administration, makes it easier for India to better locate enemies, terrorists and other subject threats coming from land or sea. This agreement is intended to cement the friendship that exists between the two countries, as well as help India technologically outperform China. This agreement concludes the "troika of foundational pacts" for deep security and defense cooperation between the two countries[55].

Prior to this agreement, in 2016 the LEMOA (Memorandum of agreement for exchange of Logistics), and in 2018 the COMCASA (agreement of Compatibility and Communications Security) were signed. The former allows both countries access to each other's instructions for supply and replenishment; the latter allows India to receive systems, information and encrypted communication to communicate with the United States. Both agreements affect land, sea and air forces[56].

ii) United for democracy

From Washington, special emphasis is placed on the fact that both powers are very similar, since they share the same political system, and it is emphasized with a certain grandiloquence that they are the oldest and the largest democracy (per issue inhabitants)[57]. Because this presupposes the sharing of a series of values, Washington likes to speak of "likeminded partners"[58].

From the Brookings Institution think tank , Tanvi Mandan defends this idea of ideological bonding. The same system of government makes both countries see each other as natural allies, who think alike and also believe in the value of the rule of law. In fact, in all matters relating to the spread of democracy around the globe, there is strong cooperation between the two nations: for example, supporting democracy in Afghanistan or the Maldives, launching the US-India Global Democracy Initiative and providing other countries with legal and technical assistance on democratic issues at attendance . Finally, it should be noted that democracy and the values it entails have facilitated the exchange and flow of people from one country to another. As for the economic relationship between both countries, it becomes more viable, since both are open economies, share a language and their legal system has Anglo-Saxon roots.

iii) Growing economic cooperation

The United States is India's main trade partner , with whom it has a significant surplus[59]. Trade between the two has grown by 10% annually over the last decade, and in 2019 was $115 billion[60]. About 2,000 US companies are based in India, and about 200 Indian companies are based in the US[61]. Between the two there is a Mini-Trade Deal, believed to be signed shortly, which aims to deepen this economic relationship. On the occasion of the pandemic, everything related to the health field plays an important role[62]. In fact, despite the fact that both countries have recently adopted a protectionist attitude, the idea is to reach 500 billion dollars in trade[63].

Divergences, challenges and opportunities for India and the U.S. in the region

Briefly, between the leaders of both countries there are small frictions, opportunities and challenges to be nuanced in order to make this relationship a strong alliance. Among the sticking points, we highlight India's purchase of S-400 missiles from Russia, which is against CAATSA(Countering America's Adversaries trhough Sanctions Act) [64], for which India may receive a sanction, although in the meeting between Sigh and Lloyd, Lloyd seemed to overlook topic [65]. However, it remains to be seen what happens once the missiles arrive in Delhi. There are also minor divergences on freedom of expression, security and civil rights, and how to relate to non-democratic countries[66]. Among the challenges that both countries must take into account is the possible loss of support in some sectors of U.S. policy for the relationship with India. This is due to India's actions in Kashmir in August 2019, the protection of religious freedom and attention to dissent. On the other hand, the opposite case has not been without weakening of democratic norms, immigration restrictions and violence against Indian natives[67].

Lastly, let us recall that both are facing a deep health and therefore economic crisis, the resolution of which will be decisive in relation to the competition with Beijing[68]. The crisis has affected the bilateral relationship since, although trade in services has remained stable (around 50 billion), trade in goods declined from 92 billion to 78 billion between 2019 and 2020, increasing the Indian trade deficit[69].

Finally, it is worth mentioning the opportunities. First, both countries can develop democratic resilience in the Indo-Pacific as well as in a rules-based international order[70]. In security and defense, there are also opportunities such as the entrance of the UK and France as allies in the area, for example by trying to get both countries into the Malabar exercise or France chairing the Indian Ocean Naval Symposiumin 2022[71]. Although the medium-term trend is for cooperation between the United States and India, the skill with Russia will be a growing threat[72], so cooperation between the United States, India and Europe is very important.

The possibility of cooperation in MDA (Maritime Warning Environment) and ASW (Anti Submarine Warfare) mechanisms is also opened, as the Indian Ocean is of general importance for several countries due to the value of its energy transport routes. The possibility of cooperation through the use of the US P-8 "Poseidon" aircraft is opened up. Despite the disputes over the Chagos Archipelago, India and the United States should take advantage of the agreements they have over islands such as Andaman or Diego Garcia for the conduct of these activities[73]. Therefore, India should use the regional bodies and groups of work to cooperate with European countries and the United States[74].

Europe seems to be gaining increasing importance due to the possibility of entering the Indo-Pacific game through QUAD Plus. European countries are very much in favor of multilateralism, the defense of freedom of navigation and the role of rules in regulating it. While it is true that the EU has recently signed a trade treaty with China - the IAC - increasing the European presence in the region takes on greater importance, since Xi's authoritarianism and his actions in Tibet, Xinjiang, or central China are not to the liking of European countries[75].

Finally, it should be recalled that there are some voices that speak of a decline or weakening of globalization[76], especially after the coronavirus epidemic[77], so reviving multilateral exchanges through joint action becomes a challenge and an opportunity for both countries. In fact, it is believed that in the short term, protectionist tendencies, at least in the Sino-Indian relationship, will continue, despite the intense economic cooperation[78].

Conclusion

The geopolitical panorama of the Indo-Pacific is complex to say the least. Chinese expansionism clashes with the interests of the other major regional power, India, which, while avoiding confrontation with Beijing, takes a dim view of its neighbor's actions. In a bid for multilateralism, and with an eye on its regional waters, threatened by the Malacca Dilemma, India seems to be cooperating with the United States, but clinging to regional forums and groups to make its position clear, while seeming to open the door to European countries, whose interest in the region is growing, despite the recent trade agreement signed with China.

On the other hand, the United States is also threatened by Chinese expansionism and sees the moment of its rival's economic overtaking approaching, which the coronavirus crisis may even have brought forward to 2028. In order to avoid this status, the Biden Administration is betting on multilateralism at the regional level and is deepening its relationship with India, beyond the military aspect. Washington seems to have understood that US hegemony in the Indo-Pacific is far from being real, at least in the medium term, so that only a cooperative and integrating attitude is possible. On the other hand, in the midst of this supposed retreat from globalization, we see how Washington, together with India, and surely in the medium term with Europe, are defending the Western values that govern the international sphere, i.e. the defense of human rights, the rule of law and the value of democracy.

We are faced with two factors. On the one hand, India does not want to see an order imposed by any subject, neither American nor Chinese, hence its reluctance to confront Beijing directly and its preference to expand the QUAD. On the other hand, the United States seems to perceive that it is at a delicate moment, since its competition with China goes beyond the mere substitution of one power for another. Washington is still a traditional power which, for its presence in the Indo-Pacific, has relied above all on military power, while China has based the extension of its influence on the establishment of strong trade relations that go beyond the belligerent logic of the Cold War. Hence, the United States is trying to form a front with India and its European allies that goes beyond military cooperation.

 

REFERENCES 

[1] The QUAD (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) is a dialogue group formed by the United States, India, Japan and Australia. Its members share a common vision on the security of the Indo-Pacific region contrary to that of China; they advocate multilateralism and freedom of navigation in the region.

[2] scholarship (Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement). Treaty signed by India and the United States in October 2019 to enhance security in the Indo-Pacific region. Its goal is the exchange of tracking, tracing and intelligence systems.

[3]Chilamkuri Raja Mohan, "Trilateral Perspective." Chinawatch. Connecting Thinkers ... http://www.chinawatch.cn/a/202102/05/WS60349146a310acc46eb43e2d.html,(accessed February 5, 2021),

[4] Tanvi Madan, "India and the Biden Administration: Consolidating and Rebalancing Ties," in Tanvi Madan, "India And The Biden Administration: Consolidating And Rebalancing Ties,". German Marshal Found of the United States. https://www.gmfus.org/blog/2021/02/11/india-and-biden-administration-consolidating-and-rebalancing-ties,(accessed February 11, 2021).

[5]Darshana Baruah, Frédéric Grére, and Nilanthi Samaranayake, "diary 2021: A Blueprint For U.S.-Europe-India Cooperation", US-India cooperation on Indo-Pacific Security. GMF India Trilateral Forum. Pg:1. https://www.gmfus.org/blog/2021/02/16/us-india-cooperation-indo-pacific-security, (accessed February 16, 2021).

[6] "'QUAD' Leaders Pledge New Cooperation on China, COVID-19, Climate." Aljazeera.com. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/3/12/quad-leaders-pledge-new-cooperation-on-china-covid-19-climate (accessed March 2021).

[7] Mereyem Hafidi, "Biden Renews 'QUAD' Alliance Despite Pressure From Beijing." Atalayar. https://atalayar.com/content/biden-renueva-la-alianza-de-%E2%80%98QUAD%E2%80%99-pesar-de-las-presiones-de-pek%C3%ADn.(accessed February 2021).

[8] "`Grandstanding`: US, China trade rebukes in testy talks." Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/3/19/us-china-top-diplomats-trade-rebukes-in-testy-first-talks (accessed, March 2021).

[9] Joseph R. Biden, "Why America Must Lead Again." Foreign Affairs. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2020-01-23/why-america-must-lead-again (accessed February, 2021).

[10] Maria Siow. "India Receives US Defence Secretary With China On Its Mind." South China Morning Post. https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3126091/india-receives-us-defence-secretary-lloyd-austin-china-its-mind.(accessed March 19, 2021).

[11] Seeram Chaulia, "France and sailing toward the 'QUAD-plus'". The New Indian Express. https://www. newindianexpress.com/opinions/2021/apr/06/france-and-sailing-toward-the-QUAD-plus-2286408.html (accessed, April 4, 2021).

[12] Juan Luis López Aranguren. "Indo-Pacific: The new order without China at the center." The Indo-Pacific as a new global geopolitical axis. Global Affairs Journal. Pg.:2. https://www.unav.edu/web/global-affairs/detalle/-/blogs/indo-pacifico-el-nuevo-orden-sin-china-en-el-centro?_33_redirect=%2Fen%2Fweb%2Fglobal-affairs%2Fpublicaciones%2Finformes.(accessed, April 2021).

[13] Biden, "Remarks By President Biden On America's Place In The World | The White House"...

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/02/04/remarks-by-president-biden-on-americas-place-in-the-world/

[14] Ibid.

[15] Derek Grossman, "Biden's China Reset Is Already On The Ropes." Nikkei Asia. https://asia.nikkei.com/Opinion/Biden-s-China-reset-is-already-on-the-ropes.(accessed, March 14, 2021).

[16] Ramón Barba Castro, "New Tensions in Asia Pacific in a Scenario of Electoral Change." Global Affairs and Strategic Studies. https://www.unav.edu/web/global-affairs/detalle/-/blogs/nuevas-tensiones-en-asia-pacifico-en-un-escenario-de-cambio-electoral-en-eeuu.(accessed, April 2021).

[17] Sankaran Kalyanaraman, "Changing Pattern Of The China-India-US Triangle." Manohar Parrikar Institute For Defence Studies And Analyses. https://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/changing-pattern-china-india-us-triangle-skalyanaram (accessed March 2021).

[18] Pang Zhongying, "Indo-Pacific Era Needs US-China Cooperation, Not Great Power Conflict." South China Morning Post. https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/article/3125926/indo-pacific-needs-us-china-cooperation-not-conflict-QUAD (accessed March 19, 2021).

[19] Sankaran Kalayanamaran, "Changing Pattern of the China-India-US Triangle.

[20] Chilamkuri Raja Mohan, "Trilateral Perspective."

[21] Joseph R. Biden, "Remarks By President Biden On America's Place In The World

[22]Chilamkuri Raja Mohan, "Trilateral Perspective.

[23] Maria Siow, "India Receives US Defence Secretary With China On Its Mind."

[24]Tanvi Madan, "India and the Biden Administration: Consolidating And Rebalancing Ties."

[25] CEBR (Centre for Economics and Business Research) is an entity dedicated to the economic analysis and forecasting of companies and organizations. linkhttps://cebr.com/about-cebr/. Every year, this entity prepares a report graduate World Economic League Table¸in which it analyzes the positioning of each country in the world in terms of the state of its Economics. The latest edition(World Economic League Table 2021), published on December 26, 2020, presents a prediction of the state of the world's Economics in 2035, in order to know who will be the main world economic powers (CEBR, "World Economic League Table 2021". Centre for Economics and Business Research (12th edition), https://cebr.com/reports/world-economic-league-table-2021/ (accessed March 2021).

[26] Ibid., 231.

[27] Ibid., 71.

[28] Vijay Gokhale, "China Doesn't Want a New World Order. It Wants This One." The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/04/opinion/china-america-united-nations.html(accessed April 2021).

[29] Mereyem Hafidi, "Biden renews `QUAD` alliance despite pressure from Beijing.

[30] Chilamkuri Raja Mohan, "Trilateral Perspective."

[31] Ibid.

[32] Wang Huiyao, "More cooperation, less competition". Chinawatch. Connecting Thinkers. http://www.chinawatch.cn/a/202102/05/WS6034913ba310acc46eb43e28.html(accessed March 2021).

[33] Chilamkuri Raja Mohan, "Trilateral Perspective."

[34]Darshana Baruah, Frédéric Grére, and Nilanthi Samaranayake, "US-India cooperation on Indo-Pacific Security." Page 5.

[35] Chilamkuri Raja Mohan, "Trilateral Perspective."

[36] Ibid.

[37]Darshana Baruah, Frédéric Grére, and Nilanthi Samaranayake, "US-India cooperation on Indo-Pacific Security." Page 5.

[38] Tanvi Madan, "India and the Biden Administration: Consolidating And Rebalancing Ties".

[39] Tanvi Madan, "Democracy and the US-India relationship". Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/democracy-and-the-us-india-relationship/ (accessed March 2021)

[40] Maria Siow, "India Receives US Defence Secretary With China On Its Mind."

[41] Bilal Kuchay, "India, US sign key military deal, symbolizing closer ties." Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/11/2/india-us-military-deal(accessed March 2021)

[42] Wang Huiyao, "More cooperation, less competition".

[43] Alex Lo, "India-the democratic economic giant that disappoints". South China Morning Post. https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/article/3126342/india-democratic-economic-giant-disappoints(accessed March 21, 2021).

[44] Simone McCarthy, "QUAD summit: US, India, Australia and Japan counter China's 'vaccine diplomacy' with pledge to distribute a billion doses across Indo-Pacific." South China Morning Post. https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3125344/QUAD-summit-us-india-australia-and-japan-counter-chinas.(accessed, March 13, 2021).

[45]Mereyem Hafidi, "Biden renews `QUAD` alliance despite pressure from Beijing.

[46] Simone McCarthy, "QUAD summit: US, India, Australia and Japan counter China's 'vaccine diplomacy' with pledge to distribute a billion doses across Indo-Pacific."

[47] Aljazeera, "'QUAD' leaders pledge new cooperation on China, COVID-19, climate".

[48]Darshana Baruah, Frédéric Grére, and Nilanthi Samaranayake, "US-India cooperation on Indo-Pacific Security." Page 2.

[49]Simone McCarthy, "QUAD summit: US, India, Australia and Japan counter China's 'vaccine diplomacy' with pledge to distribute a billion doses across Indo-Pacific."

[50] Maria Siow, "India Receives US Defence Secretary With China On Its Mind".

[51] "US defense secretary Lloyd Austin says US considers India to be a great partner." Hindustan Times. https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/us-defense-secretary-lloyd-austin-says-us-considers-india-to-be-a-great-partner-101616317189411.html.(accessed, March 21, 2021)

[52] Maria Siow, "India Receives US Defence Secretary With China On Its Mind."

[53] The term PASSEX is an abbreviation of the English military jargon, it comes from Passing Exercise. It consists of taking advantage of the fact that a Marine unit is passing through a given area to deepen the military cooperation of the army of the area through which it is passing. As an example we find the news cited in the present article: "India, US begin two-day naval exercise in eastern Indian Ocean region". The Economic Times. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/india-us-begin-two-day-naval-exercise-in-eastern-indian-ocean-region/articleshow/81735782.cms (accessed March 28, 2021).

[54] Annath Krishnan, Dinakar Peri, Kallol Bhattacherjee; India-U.S. 2+2 dialogue: U.S. to support India's defence of territory. The Hindu. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/india-us-22-dialogue-rajnath-singh-raises-chinas-action-in-ladakh/article32955117.ece.(accessed March 2021).

[55] Maria Siow, "India Receives US Defence Secretary With China On Its Mind."

[56] Ibid.

[57] Tanvi Madan, "Democracy and the US-India relationship".

[58] Hindustan Times, "US defense secretary Lloyd Austin says US considers India to be a great partner".

[59] "Committed to achieving goal of $500 bn in bilateral trade with US: Ambassador Sandhu".The Economic Times. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/foreign-trade/committed-to-achieving-goal-of-500-bn-in-bilateral-trade-with-us-ambassador-sandhu/articleshow/80878316.cms.(accessed, March 2021).

[60] Joe C. Mathew, "India-US mini trade deal: Low duty on medical devices; pact in final stages." Business Today. https://www.businesstoday.in/current/economy-politics/india-us-mini-trade-deal-low-duty-on-medical-devices-pact-in-final-stages/story/413669.html.(Accessed, March 2021).

[61] Economic Times, "Commited to achieving goal of $500 bn in bilateral trade with US: Ambassador Sandhu".

[62] Joe C. Mathew, "India-US mini trade deal: Low duty on medical devices; pact in final stages".

[63] Economic Times, "Commited to achieving goal of $500 bn in bilateral trade with US: Ambassador Sandhu".

[64] Darshana Baruah, Frédéric Grére, and Nilanthi Samaranayake, "US-India cooperation on Indo-Pacific Security". Page 2.

[65] Hindustan Times "US defense secretary Lloyd Austin says US considers India to be a great partner".

[66] Tanvi Madan, "Democracy and the US-India relationship."

[67] Ibid.

[68] Tanvi Madan, "India and the Biden Administration: Consolidating and Rebalancing Ties.

[69] Economic Times, "Commited to achieving goal of $500 bn in bilateral trade with US: Ambassador Sandhu".

[70] Tanvi Madan, "Democracy and the US-India relationship."

[71] Darshana Baruah, Frédéric Grére, and Nilanthi Samaranayake, "US-India cooperation on Indo-Pacific Security." Page3.

[72] IBIDEM page 3

[73] IBIDEM. Page 6

[74] IBIDEM. Page 7

[75] Seeram Chaulia, "France and sailing toward the 'QUAD-plus'". The New Indian Express

[76] Elisabeth Mearns, Gary Parkinson; "With a pandemic, populism and protectionism, have we passed peak globalization?". China Global Television Network. https://newseu.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-28/With-a-pandemic-populism-and-protectionism-has-globalization-peaked--QOQMPg3ABO/index.html.(accessed, April 2021).

[77] Abraham Newman, Henry Farrel; "The New Age of Protectionism." Foreign Affairs. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/europe/2021-04-05/new-age-protectionism.(accessed April 5, 2021).

[78] Economic Times, "Commited to achieving goal of $500 bn in bilateral trade with US: Ambassador Sandhu".