Latin America is immersed in a political context of distrust; specifically, the Latin American social mood shows severe symptoms of disaffection and detachment towards political institutions. If we look at the results of Latinobarómetro, referring to 2022, we see that only 12% of Latin Americans agree with agreement with the phrase "most people can be trusted", which means that 88% of the population does not trust the majority of their fellow citizens. This is the lowest point since this question was first asked by this organization in 1996.
Why is this distrust generated? It is an attitude that is linked above all to what has happened in Latin America in recent decades with respect to public institutions, and it has to do with corruption. If we split the word "corrupt" in two, on the one hand we get "cor" (heart) and on the other "rupto" (rupture); that is, "broken heart". Perhaps this sounds like a romantic novel, but the truth is that there is a real divorce between people and public institutions and the origin of this divorce has to do above all with corruption.
Latin Americans, then, have decided for the most part to stop trusting political institutions, when these are the backbone of what we know as representative democracy. Democratic values have to do not only with freedom of expression and respect for other rights, but very singularly with the existence of solid institutions: judges who are independent and prepared; a parliament that, although it is a political body, does not necessarily respond to the whims of a president; an electoral tribunal that truly arbitrates and announces results that are a true reflection of the will of the people, and so on and so forth.
This disenchantment with politics gives rise to a disaffection with democracy itself. When Latinobarómetro asks about the form of government (with the options: "democracy is preferable to any other form of government"; "in some circumstances an authoritarian government may be preferable to a democratic one"; "we don't care about a democratic regime or a non-democratic one") we again find ourselves at the lowest point with respect to what would be desirable: since the generalization of democracy in Latin America in the 1990s, never before have so few people preferred democracy as a form of government (48%). What capitalizes this decline is not the option for an authoritarian government, but rather that which expresses disinterest ("we don't care" about one system or the other).
When doing qualitative public opinion programs of study it is very clear that people think that "politicians do whatever they want" and that "politics is a game of politicians": "politics is a different dimension to my real and daily problems; it has nothing to do with me". It may be understandable to think this way, but it is dramatic, because whether we vote or not, whether we are informed or not about public affairs, the fact is that political spaces are occupied and those who occupy them make decisions that directly affect each one of us.
What happens as a next step in this process is that room is given for any new political leader to come in and redefine what democracy is. This is what is happening today in some Latin American countries, such as Mexico, El Salvador and, to some extent, also Colombia (in Venezuela this has already happened). Democracy then is not necessarily what we were saying before (regarding institutions, independent judges...), but, for example, having more money in our pockets, as Andrés Manuel López Obrador claims, or only that there is less insecurity, no matter how this is achieved, as Nayib Bukele defends. Thus, 54% of Latin Americans agree with agreement with the statement "I would not mind if a non-democratic government came to power if it solves the problems".
Another point of concern is freedom of expression and its expectations. For example, the lack of credibility in large media companies is a breeding ground for autocrats to persecute journalists and threaten freedom of information. If the lack of credibility in the media is solid, once those who denounce the corruption of those in power are persecuted, society will not feel the duty to mobilize and demand a free and fair press from those in power. For example, this is happening today in El Salvador. This has given Bukele carte blanche to wage a battle against journalism in his country, as he finds a fertile social ground that apparently offers him legitimacy.
The Oxford Dictionary defines post-truth as follows: "Objective facts have less influence in defining public opinion than those that appeal to emotion and personal beliefs." Mexico's former populist president, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, confronted with an uninspiring Mexican GDP growth, claimed to have "a different way of understanding reality" and went on to talk about welfare instead of GDP. No one can deny the importance of families having more consumption capacity; however, this is not necessarily synonymous with economic strength and growth for the country.
Hyperleaderships are in vogue again today. They can maintain high popularity despite aggravated problems in society. AMLO concluded his term in office with a 65% approval rating among Mexicans, despite the fact that homicides and drug dealing have increased during his six-year term.
At Thinko Consulting we developed programs of study anthropological during 2023 and 2024. Almost 60% of Mexicans are not interested in politics and more than 62% say they are not informed about political issues. Almost half of Mexicans disagree with the statement "without political parties there can be no democracy"; more than 50% think that political parties cause more problems than solutions and are useless. The phrase "a dictatorship is the only thing that would fix this country" has the support of a third of public opinion.
The great challenge for Latin America is to understand that the most serious problems will be solved to the extent that the democratic body enjoys good health. There will be no security, no prosperity and no sustainable growth over time if society itself does not first rescue from the ashes some institutions that have been battered by their tenants; this means, first and foremost, electing leaders with a true democratic and service vocation.
* Alejandro Motta Nicolicchia is consultant political , creator of Thinko Consulting. The text condenses the intervention he made at the Latin America Summit 2024 organized in mid-October by the Degree of International Relations of the University of Navarra.