The first 100 days of Ollanta Humala's government reflect the president's pragmatism. The Economics continues on the path of growth because Humala has confirmed in positions core topic technocrats whom he allows to act. At the beginning, not only the center and the right were suspicious of the Comandante's intentions. His own supporters considered that the moderation in Humala's speech was part of a strategy to win the elections. Once in power, the real program would be implemented with the support of the poorest and nothing would stop the "great transformation".

But history is pure irony. Ollanta formed his government based on two sectors. The first, that of the technocrats, is doing its job without completely abandoning mercantilist policies. The second was handed over to his leftist allies, from former members of General Juan Velasco's dictatorship to social democrats and ethno-nationalist radicals. Unfortunately, the left wing has done nothing but cause problems for Humala. However, these are his closest allies and the presidential family itself. The visit of Pachacutec to Moscow (the president's brother), the scandal of the PRONAA food scandal (led by the Minister of Women), the appointment of shady characters in positions core topic of diplomacy (Nadine's gynecologist in France, for example) and the political destruction of Vice President Chehade for a case of influence peddling, are mistakes that come from the leftist quarry of Humalaism. Therefore, it is not surprising that Humala supports project Conga, spurred on by his wife and with the approval of Siomi Lerner, the Prime Minister.

Yes, Humala has embraced pragmatism. "Conga" is a US$4.8 billion investment, the largest in Peru's history, deeply criticized by a sector of the population led by Wilfredo Saavedra, a convicted and confessed former MRTA terrorist, environmentalists and the left wing of the government. For this reason, a high position of the "pure" humalismo, told me a few days ago that "the president wants to govern with the right". A symptom of this turn is found in the fulminating dismissal of Carlos Tapia, a man of the first humalist hour. Tapia left Olympus because he did not share the new policy and accused the president's entourage of favoring mining interests. Meanwhile, the Minister of Environment (water) contradicts the Minister of Energy and Mines (gold) and the lawsuit over Conga splits the government in two.

Humala has said that "Conga goes" and is likely to negotiate a solution to the problem on site. "Water and gold are compatible," says the president. Many of his supporters do not think so. It is paradoxical that today the upper class and the class average support him (66% and 64%, respectively) while his popularity has dropped 14 percentage points in the D (49%) and E (57%) levels, traditional bastion of votes and endorsements for Humberto Humal. Perhaps for this reason, Ollanta's detractors maintain that in little more than a hundred days the leader of the "great transformation" has completed the metamorphosis from candidate of the poor to president of the rich. This is the same accusation Ollanta made against Toledo and Garcia, leaders who embraced the logic of the market without remorse. In the end, as an old aprista slogan says: "in power, brothers".